The President’s outburst came against the backdrop of strident criticisms that he was being teleguided by the former president who paved the way for his emergence.
Speaking through his Special Adviser on Communications, Mr. Olusegun Adeniyi, President Yar’Adua, who noted that Obasanjo was not controlled by anybody when he was in power, said he did not see any reason why there should be fears and apprehension about him being controlled by Obasanjo.
Adeniyi said after reading about such fears in the newspapers, the President would laugh over them because he was his own man.
The Special Adviser said President Yar’Adua could not afford to be controlled by anybody, not even former President Obasanjo, and that the President was quite aware of the fact that he was totally responsible to Nigerians whom he swore to serve honestly.
“He (Yar’Adua) will just laugh about it because they (reports) are not true. You yourself know about power. How do you imagine that the President of Nigeria will be controlled by anybody, elsewhere? President Obasanjo himself was president. I don’t know if anybody controlled him.
“So, I wonder why President Yar’Adua will sit down here knowing that he is not only responsible to the Nigerian people but also that he will be held accountable at the end of his stewardship.
Nobody is going to query Obasanjo for whatever happened between May 29, 2007 and May 28 or 29, 2011. Whatever happens in Nigeria, President Umaru Yar’Adua will be held responsible. Adeniyi added that, “all these things, I read them just like he reads them and he just smiles about them.
President Yar’Adua had earlier said in an interview with the Financial Times of London before his inauguration that he was not Obasanjo’s puppet.
That newspaper had insinuated that with the former president stepping into the position of chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Board of Trustees, Obasanjo would be the one ruling.
But President Yar’Adua had said he would be the President of Nigeria ruling by the constitution of the country and not by PDP constitution.
Adeniyi also said the President would unveil his plans for the power sector and the Niger Delta in two to three weeks’ time just as he disclosed that additional names of ministerial nominees would be forwarded to the National Assembly before next week.
The new ministerial nominees are to accommodate names of the choices of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and perhaps Peoples Progressives Alliance (PPA) participating in President Yar’Adua’s Government of National Unity.
Giving an update on how far President Yar’Adua had gone in unfolding his plans for the power sector, he said the President “ has met several times with the PHCN and the BPE and he has met several times with the NNPC. Because when you look at most of these issues, you will discover that there are issues you need to sort out with one agency or the other.
“All these stakeholders within the sector are being brought into the picture. So that by the time we have a comprehensive way forward it is going to be a Programme that takes a holistic picture of the whole power industry.
There will be no excuse for failure after all these issues have been sorted out. I think that is what is going on now, consultations with all the different stakeholders and very soon, within the next two, three weeks, I think he will come up with his plans for the power sector. Same goes for the Niger- Delta,” he added.
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Thursday, July 19, 2007
Yar’Adua Drops Ministerial Nominee
The Presidential Liaison Officer to the Senate, Mrs. Florence Ita-Giwa, early on Thursday, sent an urgent message to Senate President David Mark, requesting to withdraw a name from the list for undisclosed reasons.
She refused to answer specific questions on why Mrs. Ibrahim’s case is different. Newsmen initially learnt the Kebbi nominee might have been dropped because of the security screening which might not have been in her favour. The details were not made available to newsmen; although an official of the National Assembly said the decision was for “security reasons”.
She was dropped because some politicians in the state said she was not a politician and should not have been nominated in the first place.
Newsmen checks revealed that among the three nominees whose names were originally sent from Kebbi, Muhammadu Bello Maieka was picked. But following a barrage of petitions against him, his name was dropped. The President was said to have specifically requested for a woman to be nominated from the North-Western State.
Mrs. Ibrahim, who was a commissioner in the old Sokoto State and a director at the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), was nominated without any consultations with the state party hierarchy, according to information. She is married to former Director-General of Nigeria Television Authority (NTA), Alhaji Muhammadu Ibrahim, who hails from Kano State.
The last-minute withdrawal reduced the number of ministerial nominees from 35 to 34. The actual nominee whose name was withdrawn was not mentioned as Mark quietly skipped number 18 against which the name was originally listed and proceeded to reel out other names listed against numbers 19 to 35.
By the time he was through with the exercise, four states, namely Benue (where the Senate President comes from), Kaduna, Jigawa and Kebbi did not have nominees in the list.Just as in Benue where disagreements between the former governor, Senator George Akume and the Senate President have stalled the nomination of a minister from the state, a similar scenario is playing out in Kaduna State. The Isaiah Ballat Camp is pitched in a power play with the camp of the former governor, Alhaji Ahmed Mohammed Markafi.
This is delaying the nomination of a candidate from the state.It was not clear on Thursday night why Jigawa did not have a nominee yet, even though early indications were that Ahmed Malamadori had been picked.
Mark announced on Thursday that the screening and confirmation hearing would begin Tuesday, next week, assuring that the Senate would be thorough in the exercise.
The Senate President warned that nominees should not go out of their way to induce Senators to facilitate their clearance. He said any nominee discovered or caught attempting to induce Senators would be disqualified by the Senate.He also cautioned Senators against receiving gratification or gift from any nominee either on behalf of themselves or the Senate.
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She refused to answer specific questions on why Mrs. Ibrahim’s case is different. Newsmen initially learnt the Kebbi nominee might have been dropped because of the security screening which might not have been in her favour. The details were not made available to newsmen; although an official of the National Assembly said the decision was for “security reasons”.
She was dropped because some politicians in the state said she was not a politician and should not have been nominated in the first place.
Newsmen checks revealed that among the three nominees whose names were originally sent from Kebbi, Muhammadu Bello Maieka was picked. But following a barrage of petitions against him, his name was dropped. The President was said to have specifically requested for a woman to be nominated from the North-Western State.
Mrs. Ibrahim, who was a commissioner in the old Sokoto State and a director at the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), was nominated without any consultations with the state party hierarchy, according to information. She is married to former Director-General of Nigeria Television Authority (NTA), Alhaji Muhammadu Ibrahim, who hails from Kano State.
The last-minute withdrawal reduced the number of ministerial nominees from 35 to 34. The actual nominee whose name was withdrawn was not mentioned as Mark quietly skipped number 18 against which the name was originally listed and proceeded to reel out other names listed against numbers 19 to 35.
By the time he was through with the exercise, four states, namely Benue (where the Senate President comes from), Kaduna, Jigawa and Kebbi did not have nominees in the list.Just as in Benue where disagreements between the former governor, Senator George Akume and the Senate President have stalled the nomination of a minister from the state, a similar scenario is playing out in Kaduna State. The Isaiah Ballat Camp is pitched in a power play with the camp of the former governor, Alhaji Ahmed Mohammed Markafi.
This is delaying the nomination of a candidate from the state.It was not clear on Thursday night why Jigawa did not have a nominee yet, even though early indications were that Ahmed Malamadori had been picked.
Mark announced on Thursday that the screening and confirmation hearing would begin Tuesday, next week, assuring that the Senate would be thorough in the exercise.
The Senate President warned that nominees should not go out of their way to induce Senators to facilitate their clearance. He said any nominee discovered or caught attempting to induce Senators would be disqualified by the Senate.He also cautioned Senators against receiving gratification or gift from any nominee either on behalf of themselves or the Senate.
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Tuesday, July 17, 2007
Ministerial nominee: Daramola’s widow petitions Yar’Adua
The widow of Ayo Daramola, the murdered former Peoples Democratic Party governorship candidate in Ekiti‘s State, Kehinde, has sent a petition to President Umaru Yar‘Adua to protest the candidature of the Ekiti State ministerial nominee, Mr. Ropo Adesanya.
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Mrs. Daramola
In the petition dated July 16, 2007, which was supported by an affidavit sworn to at the registry of Ikeja High Court on Monday, Mrs. Daramola contended that Adesanya, the PDP Chairman in the state was not ”a fit and proper person” to be appointed as a minister.
Mrs. Daramola based her objection on the alleged involvement of the nominee in the assassination of her husband, who was killed on August 14, 2006 in Ekiti State.
She also accused Adesanya of having invited her late husband to Ijan-Ekiti where Daramola was eventually tracked down and killed by assailants whose identities had remained unknown till date.
She alleged that PDP lost the last election in Ijan-Ekiti because of the ‘action’ of Adesanya.
Copies of the petition were also sent to the Chairman of the PDP‘s Board of Trustees, former President Olusegun Obasanjo; President of the Senate, Senator David Mark; Chairman of the PDP, Dr. Ahmadu Ali; the Acting Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Mike Okiro; and the office of the Director of the State Security Service.
In the four-paragraph petition, Mrs. Daramola, wrote, ”I am Mrs. Kehinde Daramola, the wife of late Dr. Ayo Daramola who was murdered by the Governor Ayo Fayose‘s administration. My husband, a PDP staunch member was Governorship aspirant for PDP.
”It was Mr. Ropo Adesanya who lured my husband to come to Ijan-Ekiti because my husband had earlier cried out that Mr. Ayo Fayose was after his life and was reluctant to go to Ekiti. Mr. Ropo Adesanya is a prime suspect and the matter is still with the Police and the court.
”The whole town is still grieved by the death of my husband. Mr. Ropo Adesanya cannot go to the town much less winning for PDP in that town. His action caused PDP to lose in Ijan-Ekiti.
”For the good of the entire Ekiti people and the PDP, Ropo Adesanya is not a fit and proper person to represent Ekiti State at the federal cabinet. He is not the sort of person PDP should put up”.
Asked to substantiate the allegation against Adesanya, the widow told our correspondent on the phone that the nominee had some discussions with her husband prior to his assasination.
According to her, “He called my husband on Saturday. He denied that he talked to my husband. Why did he deny it? Which means he has something up his sleeves.
“I was there when he was talking to my husband. When he called him, I didn’t know he was the one on the line but at the end of the conversation, my husband told me he just finished talking to Ropo Adesanya. And we don’t have two Ropo Adesanyas that I know of. So, why did he deny it that he talked to my husband?” she queried.
Mrs. Daramola said further, “Let us go to Celtel or MTN or one of the three GSM networks my husband was using. Let them trace the calls my husband made on that Saturday.”
Meanwhile, widespread opposition has greeted Adesanya’s choice as the replacement for the dropped ministerial nominee for the state, Chief Dayo Adeyeye on Monday.
Apart from the petitions that had been dispatched to the Senate President, hundreds of youths mobilised themselves to Abuja on Monday to protest at the Senate, against the impending screening of Adesanya by the upper legislative chamber.
The president of the Ijan-Ekiti Progressive Youth Alliance, Mr. Ojo Olayemi, said Adesanya‘s antecedents and activities made him unqualified to serve in the high profile and untainted Yar’Adua’s administration.
In a related development, the PDP leaders in Ekiti State on Monday made last-minute efforts to restore Adeyeye’s name as the state‘s ministerial nominee.
The elders, comprising Retired Justice Edward Ojuolape, Senator Lawrence Agunbiade and Dr. Ife Arowosoge, wrote the president to reconsider Adeyeye in the spirit of the Unity Government that his administration was trying to nurture.
According to the elders, “Adeyeye emerged after a close scrutiny and and interview of many candidates available for the post.”
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Skip to next paragraph
File
Mrs. Daramola
In the petition dated July 16, 2007, which was supported by an affidavit sworn to at the registry of Ikeja High Court on Monday, Mrs. Daramola contended that Adesanya, the PDP Chairman in the state was not ”a fit and proper person” to be appointed as a minister.
Mrs. Daramola based her objection on the alleged involvement of the nominee in the assassination of her husband, who was killed on August 14, 2006 in Ekiti State.
She also accused Adesanya of having invited her late husband to Ijan-Ekiti where Daramola was eventually tracked down and killed by assailants whose identities had remained unknown till date.
She alleged that PDP lost the last election in Ijan-Ekiti because of the ‘action’ of Adesanya.
Copies of the petition were also sent to the Chairman of the PDP‘s Board of Trustees, former President Olusegun Obasanjo; President of the Senate, Senator David Mark; Chairman of the PDP, Dr. Ahmadu Ali; the Acting Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Mike Okiro; and the office of the Director of the State Security Service.
In the four-paragraph petition, Mrs. Daramola, wrote, ”I am Mrs. Kehinde Daramola, the wife of late Dr. Ayo Daramola who was murdered by the Governor Ayo Fayose‘s administration. My husband, a PDP staunch member was Governorship aspirant for PDP.
”It was Mr. Ropo Adesanya who lured my husband to come to Ijan-Ekiti because my husband had earlier cried out that Mr. Ayo Fayose was after his life and was reluctant to go to Ekiti. Mr. Ropo Adesanya is a prime suspect and the matter is still with the Police and the court.
”The whole town is still grieved by the death of my husband. Mr. Ropo Adesanya cannot go to the town much less winning for PDP in that town. His action caused PDP to lose in Ijan-Ekiti.
”For the good of the entire Ekiti people and the PDP, Ropo Adesanya is not a fit and proper person to represent Ekiti State at the federal cabinet. He is not the sort of person PDP should put up”.
Asked to substantiate the allegation against Adesanya, the widow told our correspondent on the phone that the nominee had some discussions with her husband prior to his assasination.
According to her, “He called my husband on Saturday. He denied that he talked to my husband. Why did he deny it? Which means he has something up his sleeves.
“I was there when he was talking to my husband. When he called him, I didn’t know he was the one on the line but at the end of the conversation, my husband told me he just finished talking to Ropo Adesanya. And we don’t have two Ropo Adesanyas that I know of. So, why did he deny it that he talked to my husband?” she queried.
Mrs. Daramola said further, “Let us go to Celtel or MTN or one of the three GSM networks my husband was using. Let them trace the calls my husband made on that Saturday.”
Meanwhile, widespread opposition has greeted Adesanya’s choice as the replacement for the dropped ministerial nominee for the state, Chief Dayo Adeyeye on Monday.
Apart from the petitions that had been dispatched to the Senate President, hundreds of youths mobilised themselves to Abuja on Monday to protest at the Senate, against the impending screening of Adesanya by the upper legislative chamber.
The president of the Ijan-Ekiti Progressive Youth Alliance, Mr. Ojo Olayemi, said Adesanya‘s antecedents and activities made him unqualified to serve in the high profile and untainted Yar’Adua’s administration.
In a related development, the PDP leaders in Ekiti State on Monday made last-minute efforts to restore Adeyeye’s name as the state‘s ministerial nominee.
The elders, comprising Retired Justice Edward Ojuolape, Senator Lawrence Agunbiade and Dr. Ife Arowosoge, wrote the president to reconsider Adeyeye in the spirit of the Unity Government that his administration was trying to nurture.
According to the elders, “Adeyeye emerged after a close scrutiny and and interview of many candidates available for the post.”
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NNAMANI ARRESTED
A former Governor of Enugu State, Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani, was on Monday arrested on his hospital bed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.
A statement by a former Commissioner for Information in Enugu State, Mr. Igbonekwu Ogazimorah, confirmed the arrest at around 9.10pm on Monday.
The statement reads, “Nnamani, a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, has just been seized by the operatives of the EFCC, at 5. 42 p.m.
“Nnamani, who had been on admission at the National Hospital, Abuja since last Thursday, was apprehended, taken to an unknown destination, without the benefit of taking his drugs with him.
“In what appears as a sudden twist of schedule, the operatives swiftly told Nnamani that they were to keep him there, ignoring the fact of a bail bond signed for the former governor and whose specific terms had been kept.
“The EFCC neither allowed Nnamani’s friends and staff to come close nor understand what was going on.
“No doubt, Nnamani’s eventual arrest on Monday is the remarkable feat which certain adversaries of the former governor very strenuously sought since July 2, when they went into a media binge to demonise the man as they sought over the years.
“We expect that the former governor would be charged to court in the next forty-eight hours as required by the constitution.
“However, after appeals to the EFCC officials on the state of his health, the former governor was returned to his hospital bed at the National Hospital at around 8.00 pm.”
Reports had it that Nnamani went into hiding on Friday following the arrest of some of his former colleagues by the EFCC.
But another report said he was admitted at the hospital late on Thursday night for an undisclosed ailment.
EFCC operatives had traced him to the hospital and kept a close watch to forestall his escape.
They reportedly barred people, including his family members and friends, from visiting him.
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A statement by a former Commissioner for Information in Enugu State, Mr. Igbonekwu Ogazimorah, confirmed the arrest at around 9.10pm on Monday.
The statement reads, “Nnamani, a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, has just been seized by the operatives of the EFCC, at 5. 42 p.m.
“Nnamani, who had been on admission at the National Hospital, Abuja since last Thursday, was apprehended, taken to an unknown destination, without the benefit of taking his drugs with him.
“In what appears as a sudden twist of schedule, the operatives swiftly told Nnamani that they were to keep him there, ignoring the fact of a bail bond signed for the former governor and whose specific terms had been kept.
“The EFCC neither allowed Nnamani’s friends and staff to come close nor understand what was going on.
“No doubt, Nnamani’s eventual arrest on Monday is the remarkable feat which certain adversaries of the former governor very strenuously sought since July 2, when they went into a media binge to demonise the man as they sought over the years.
“We expect that the former governor would be charged to court in the next forty-eight hours as required by the constitution.
“However, after appeals to the EFCC officials on the state of his health, the former governor was returned to his hospital bed at the National Hospital at around 8.00 pm.”
Reports had it that Nnamani went into hiding on Friday following the arrest of some of his former colleagues by the EFCC.
But another report said he was admitted at the hospital late on Thursday night for an undisclosed ailment.
EFCC operatives had traced him to the hospital and kept a close watch to forestall his escape.
They reportedly barred people, including his family members and friends, from visiting him.
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Ministerial screening: Shedding the garb of insinuations
The volume and vehemence of criticisms that have trailed the ongoing ministerial screening are enough to drown Aso Rock and the National Assembly. Indeed, such knocks are almost gradually taking the shine off the whole exercise, which is of far-reaching significance for the President Umaru Yar’Adua administration.
Some critics are angered by the non-inclusion of the portfolios in the list of nominees sent for screening. Others are offended by the banal nature of the questions asked by the senators, which they hold cannot bring the best out of the would-be ministers. They reason that at best, the ongoing exercise will be a return to the status quo which, in the words of Chief Gani Fawehinmi SAN, “had produced unsuitable ministers in the past.” It is also the contention of some that the decision of the Senate to sit in the open in the name of transparency is hypocritical. This group holds that the Senate should have referred the matter to the appropriate committee, which, in turn, should report its decisions to the whole House.
The critics’ anger is understandable. Nigerians’ collective experience since independence has shown that Nigeria’s disappointing level of development is mainly a function of the quality of its leadership. Nigerians seem to be resolute for a change this time, after what is believed in many quarters to be 47 years in the wilderness.
Besides, before the Senate are the 34 men and women whose activities will determine what development this nation can experience in the next four years, and indeed, the character of the Yar’Adua administration. And getting it right is not open to question.
But a cursory look at the rules directing the actions of the Presidency and the Senate shows that both institutions are justified under the circumstances. Rule 118 (a & b) of the Senate Standing Orders 2007 (As Amended), which deals with Proceedings on Nominations, says, “When nominations shall be made by the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to the Senate, the nominations shall: (a) if the responsibilities of the nominees are specified, be referred to the appropriate committee, (b) if the responsibilities are not stated, be referred to the Committee of the Whole Senate.”
Going by the afore-mentioned rule, the President is left with two options: to delay the presentation of the list of nominees till the Senate constitutes its committees, or to send it immediately but without portfolios for consideration by the whole House.
The first option has its constraints. Nigerians are already impatient with the pace of governance since this administration was inaugurated on May 29, 2007. This has earned the President the nickname, ‘Baba go slow.’ So, in keeping with the expectations of Nigerians, the President in his wisdom must have decided to act with dispatch. And in adopting the ‘Do it now’ method, he was left with no option but to send the list without portfolios in consonance with Rule 118 of the Senate since the committees are not yet in place.
In retrospect, the Senate 5th had, on a motion moved by its Majority Leader, Senator Dalhatu Tafida, and supported by majority votes as specified by relevant rule, set aside its Rule 118 (a) during the screening of the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, Prof. Maurice Iwu for appointment. The House had agreed with Tafida that in view of the importance of the office to the nation, the screening should be handled by the Committee of the Whole House.
On the issue of the decision of the Senate to sit in the open in the name of transparency, the House derives its powers from Rule 119 which states that, “The Senate or Committee shall sit in open session unless the Senate or Committee by a majority vote decides otherwise.”
The real trouble with the ongoing screening
The National Assembly was constituted on June 5, 2007 and its principal officers were elected the same day. With about 20 per cent returning Senators, analysts say that the Senate should have been proactive by constituting its committees promptly, so as to enable it to respond to the exigency of screening in view of its importance to national life. If the committees were to be in place, for instance, the President would have possibly attached the portfolios of ministerial nominees and the type of screening Nigerians yearn for would have been done.
Another trouble with the ongoing screening with regard to the mode and manner of the exercise is essentially information management, chief among which is a communication gap between the Senate and the Presidency. The two should have met to discuss the problem and how to go about it. There is the possibility that the President would have been advised to wait for the Senate to constitute its committees before presenting the list, in the interest of the nation.
‘Take a bow’: Another look
The Senate, as a rule, does not screen one of its own. When a member of the Senate, former or serving, is presented for screening, courtesy is the word; they are asked to “take a bow and go.” While conceding this tradition and the fact that the position of a Senator of the Federal Republic is a distinguished and respectable one, one must nevertheless state that most Nigerians are of the opinion that the bow should not exclude necessary grilling on how the ‘distinguished nominee’ will deliver, if appointed. The skills and competences needed to excel as a minister are far different from those needed for lawmaking.
Such thoroughness is advisable, furthermore, because a poor performance by a distinguished ex-senator will be a dent on the image of the whole House.
Senate Rule 120 and former public office-holders
President Yar’Adua stole the hearts of most Nigerians last month when he declared his assets publicly. Having tasted this spring of transparency, Nigerians will want to know if the Senate respects Rule 120 (a) which compels it to scrutinise the assets declaration forms of nominees who had held public offices prior to their nomination. The Rule says, “The Senate shall not consider the nomination of any person who has held any public office as contained in Part II of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution prior to his nomination unless there is written evidence that he has declared his assets and liabilities as required by Section 11 (1) of Part 1 of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Such declaration shall be required for scrutiny by the Senators.”
The way forward
In view of the experiences with general screening in the past and the shortcoming already identified in the ongoing general screening, there is the need for Mr. President to put appropriate measures in place to break way from the past and put round pegs in round holes. It is obvious that the ongoing screening cannot produce the kind of ministers that will take the nation to the next level.
Since there is no provision for re-screening of nominees, the onus is on the President to cause the nominees to submit a blueprint on how to move the ministries forward, in line with the vision and seven-point agenda of his administration.
The Senate President, David Mark, came close to this in his parting remarks to the first screened nominee, Dr. Abbah Sayyd Ruma. He said, “I think we have had enough lectures on education. What I would want you (Dr. Ruma) to do is to do a short paper on the Education Task Fund, with regard to the autonomy of universities that the Academic Staff Union of Univesities is asking for and a few other similar topics. These are the areas where we need to work on.”
The nominees’ presentations should address their areas of competencies. In other words, they should be competency based and the nominees should demonstrate a deep knowledge of the issues and challenges in their proposed ministries, provide measurable strategies toward addressing them and assign time frames to their targets to enable the President and Nigerians to assess their performances.
Besides, the President should have progressive performance assessment indexes – e.g. quarterly, annually, biennially – for measuring his ministers’ performance. Besides the fact that this will put them on their toes, it will control unnecessary pressure from politicians and sponsors each time the President wants to remove a minister on the grounds of non-performance.
There is also the need for leaders to be more forthcoming in the area of information management. Silence on issues of critical national importance creates room for innuendoes and insinuations. The battering that the President and the Senate have been receiving would have been avoidable if the public had been informed about the relevant portions of the Senate rules that prompted the procedure of the ongoing screening
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Some critics are angered by the non-inclusion of the portfolios in the list of nominees sent for screening. Others are offended by the banal nature of the questions asked by the senators, which they hold cannot bring the best out of the would-be ministers. They reason that at best, the ongoing exercise will be a return to the status quo which, in the words of Chief Gani Fawehinmi SAN, “had produced unsuitable ministers in the past.” It is also the contention of some that the decision of the Senate to sit in the open in the name of transparency is hypocritical. This group holds that the Senate should have referred the matter to the appropriate committee, which, in turn, should report its decisions to the whole House.
The critics’ anger is understandable. Nigerians’ collective experience since independence has shown that Nigeria’s disappointing level of development is mainly a function of the quality of its leadership. Nigerians seem to be resolute for a change this time, after what is believed in many quarters to be 47 years in the wilderness.
Besides, before the Senate are the 34 men and women whose activities will determine what development this nation can experience in the next four years, and indeed, the character of the Yar’Adua administration. And getting it right is not open to question.
But a cursory look at the rules directing the actions of the Presidency and the Senate shows that both institutions are justified under the circumstances. Rule 118 (a & b) of the Senate Standing Orders 2007 (As Amended), which deals with Proceedings on Nominations, says, “When nominations shall be made by the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to the Senate, the nominations shall: (a) if the responsibilities of the nominees are specified, be referred to the appropriate committee, (b) if the responsibilities are not stated, be referred to the Committee of the Whole Senate.”
Going by the afore-mentioned rule, the President is left with two options: to delay the presentation of the list of nominees till the Senate constitutes its committees, or to send it immediately but without portfolios for consideration by the whole House.
The first option has its constraints. Nigerians are already impatient with the pace of governance since this administration was inaugurated on May 29, 2007. This has earned the President the nickname, ‘Baba go slow.’ So, in keeping with the expectations of Nigerians, the President in his wisdom must have decided to act with dispatch. And in adopting the ‘Do it now’ method, he was left with no option but to send the list without portfolios in consonance with Rule 118 of the Senate since the committees are not yet in place.
In retrospect, the Senate 5th had, on a motion moved by its Majority Leader, Senator Dalhatu Tafida, and supported by majority votes as specified by relevant rule, set aside its Rule 118 (a) during the screening of the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, Prof. Maurice Iwu for appointment. The House had agreed with Tafida that in view of the importance of the office to the nation, the screening should be handled by the Committee of the Whole House.
On the issue of the decision of the Senate to sit in the open in the name of transparency, the House derives its powers from Rule 119 which states that, “The Senate or Committee shall sit in open session unless the Senate or Committee by a majority vote decides otherwise.”
The real trouble with the ongoing screening
The National Assembly was constituted on June 5, 2007 and its principal officers were elected the same day. With about 20 per cent returning Senators, analysts say that the Senate should have been proactive by constituting its committees promptly, so as to enable it to respond to the exigency of screening in view of its importance to national life. If the committees were to be in place, for instance, the President would have possibly attached the portfolios of ministerial nominees and the type of screening Nigerians yearn for would have been done.
Another trouble with the ongoing screening with regard to the mode and manner of the exercise is essentially information management, chief among which is a communication gap between the Senate and the Presidency. The two should have met to discuss the problem and how to go about it. There is the possibility that the President would have been advised to wait for the Senate to constitute its committees before presenting the list, in the interest of the nation.
‘Take a bow’: Another look
The Senate, as a rule, does not screen one of its own. When a member of the Senate, former or serving, is presented for screening, courtesy is the word; they are asked to “take a bow and go.” While conceding this tradition and the fact that the position of a Senator of the Federal Republic is a distinguished and respectable one, one must nevertheless state that most Nigerians are of the opinion that the bow should not exclude necessary grilling on how the ‘distinguished nominee’ will deliver, if appointed. The skills and competences needed to excel as a minister are far different from those needed for lawmaking.
Such thoroughness is advisable, furthermore, because a poor performance by a distinguished ex-senator will be a dent on the image of the whole House.
Senate Rule 120 and former public office-holders
President Yar’Adua stole the hearts of most Nigerians last month when he declared his assets publicly. Having tasted this spring of transparency, Nigerians will want to know if the Senate respects Rule 120 (a) which compels it to scrutinise the assets declaration forms of nominees who had held public offices prior to their nomination. The Rule says, “The Senate shall not consider the nomination of any person who has held any public office as contained in Part II of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution prior to his nomination unless there is written evidence that he has declared his assets and liabilities as required by Section 11 (1) of Part 1 of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Such declaration shall be required for scrutiny by the Senators.”
The way forward
In view of the experiences with general screening in the past and the shortcoming already identified in the ongoing general screening, there is the need for Mr. President to put appropriate measures in place to break way from the past and put round pegs in round holes. It is obvious that the ongoing screening cannot produce the kind of ministers that will take the nation to the next level.
Since there is no provision for re-screening of nominees, the onus is on the President to cause the nominees to submit a blueprint on how to move the ministries forward, in line with the vision and seven-point agenda of his administration.
The Senate President, David Mark, came close to this in his parting remarks to the first screened nominee, Dr. Abbah Sayyd Ruma. He said, “I think we have had enough lectures on education. What I would want you (Dr. Ruma) to do is to do a short paper on the Education Task Fund, with regard to the autonomy of universities that the Academic Staff Union of Univesities is asking for and a few other similar topics. These are the areas where we need to work on.”
The nominees’ presentations should address their areas of competencies. In other words, they should be competency based and the nominees should demonstrate a deep knowledge of the issues and challenges in their proposed ministries, provide measurable strategies toward addressing them and assign time frames to their targets to enable the President and Nigerians to assess their performances.
Besides, the President should have progressive performance assessment indexes – e.g. quarterly, annually, biennially – for measuring his ministers’ performance. Besides the fact that this will put them on their toes, it will control unnecessary pressure from politicians and sponsors each time the President wants to remove a minister on the grounds of non-performance.
There is also the need for leaders to be more forthcoming in the area of information management. Silence on issues of critical national importance creates room for innuendoes and insinuations. The battering that the President and the Senate have been receiving would have been avoidable if the public had been informed about the relevant portions of the Senate rules that prompted the procedure of the ongoing screening
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Saturday, July 14, 2007
SENATE COMMITTES;MARK THIS SENATORS
Senate Leader, Senator Teslim Kolawole Folarin (Oyo Central) sounded very confident that the Senate leadership would announce the composition of the standing committees before the end of last week. He said that he would be surprised if that was not done. Surprisingly, the Senate President, Senator David Mark did not unveil the committees. Yet that has not diminished the personal and credibility of Folarin. He is an influential member of the body of principal officers and the Selection Committee charged with the responsibility of constituting the committees.
But the decision by the Senate leadership not to announce the committees made Folarin to be short on precision. He must have by now appreciated the political inexpediency that could always produce a review strategy: the sort that led to the postponement by the Senate President. Still, there is understandable pressure on the Senate leadership to end the anxiety that the matter has generated. The submission of the list of ministerial nominees to the Senate by President Umar Yar' Adua mid last week and the announcement of the names of the nominees on the floor penultimate Thursday effectively diverted attention from the issue of standing committees.
Last week, three important motions suffered a set-back on account of the non-existence of the standing committees, most especially the Committee on Rules and Business. The motions- on the agonies of depositors of failed banks and financial institutions; poor state of safety in our airports; and, collapse of the road infrastructure in Nigeria- were not taken thus forcing the Senate to adjourn in the absence of other business on the order paper. But before the Senate adjourned at 11.25 a.m. the Senate President had ruled that the motions be converted to notices for discussion the next legislative day.
The stage for the abrupt adjournment of the house was set when Senator Isiaka Adeleke (Osun West) raised Order 47 (3 and 4) of the Senate Standing Rules shortly after Senator Folarin moved a motion on the agonies of depositors of Failed Banks and Financial Institutions, which had Senator Sylvester Anyanwu (Imo North) and Senator Ayogu Eze (Enugu North) as co-sponsors. Adeleke said that many of the Senators did not want discussions on the motion because the right procedure had not been followed. He said that order 47 (3 and 4) indicated that any notices of motions should be given through the Senate President to the Rules and Business Committee of the Senate, which within seven days get to Senators. He had argued: "We do not just go in a day, present a motion and the motion is taken, debated on and agreed on. No, we have to give some time to the senators to be able to understand those motions so that we will be able to contribute tremendously the following day." But he said that the Committee to warehouse the notices of motions and motions was not in place yet as contemplated by Order 47 (3) of the Senate Standing Rules. Specifically, Order 47 (3) states: "The President of the Senate shall forward such notice(s) of motions to the Rules and Business Committee, which shall schedule it on the order paper." Order 47 (4) states: "The Rules and Business Committee shall examine the substance of all motions referred to it and if approved to be scheduled on the order paper for deliberations within seven (7) days after the publication of the schedule." Speaking with reporters after plenary, Senator Adeleke had stated that the Senate was acting in breach of its procedure. According to him, "Section 36 states that the Rules and Business Committee of the Senate should be constituted within 14 legislative days of the first sitting of the Senate. That yet has not been done. We may be putting something on nothing with all the motions and rules that have been passed. So, we adhere strictly to the rules of the Senate."He said that there were certain committees that should have been set up such as Selection Committee and Rules and Business, stressing, "They are supposed to be set up within certain legislative days." It was against the backdrop of Adeleke's position that the Senate Leader, senator Folarin said that the Senate was going to announce the committees last week. He explained that the Senate was trying to put square pegs in square holes, adding, "We are also trying to carry all senators along and forestall a repeat of the last exercise in the fifth Senate when Southwest Senators protested the committees given to them." The Senate Leader had also admitted that he was aware that the issue of delay in composing the standing committees was responsible for the manner in which senators shot down the three important motions. He had declared: "I will be surprised if the list of standing committees does not come out this week (last week)." There are indications that the Senate leadership has made up its mind to deal with the issue once and for all this week. The screening of ministerial nominees, important as it is, may not alter the planned announcement by the Senate President. The Senate may devote two days-Tuesday and Wednesday- for the screening and confirmation hearing. The arrangement would still leave Thursday for the purpose of unfolding the committees. The occasion, going by the tradition in the Senate, is always tension-soaked. The presiding officer is kept on the edge, waiting to weigh in on the possible reactions from disenchanted Senators. Some of Mark's predecessors suffered embarrassment on the floor on the day they announced the composition of committees. When Senator Evan Enwerem announced the composition of the standing committees in 1999, his arch rival to the stool of the Senate President, Senator Chuba Okadigbo (now late) rejected on the floor his appointment as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. He later accepted it after weeks of pressure on him from the Southeast zone and the zonal caucus in the Senate to accept the position. Under the Senate Presidency of Anyim Pius Anyim, Senator Arthur Nzeribe rejected on the floor his appointment as Chairman of the Senate Committee on Power and Steel. He had wanted the chairmanship of the Committee on Defence. The Senate leadership had called off the bluff of the then political enigma and given the position to his kinsman, Senator Ifeanyi Araraume. The possibility of a similar thing happening was not ruled out by the Mark leadership; which was why it had taken time to handle the composition in such a way that the harmony in the Senate would not be fractured in the aftermath of the exercise. THISDAY gathered that after the initial feelers that Mark might accommodate his supporters and those who voted for him in strategic committees, the Senate leadership has, on account of the potential flashpoint that the mater of committee represents, decided to tread cautiously. It has been working round the clock to strike a balance between the interests that dot the two divides in the Senate: those who voted for him and those who voted for Senator George Akume. With 57 standing committees to fill, the Senate leadership has enough positions to reward his loyalists and supporters. But notwithstanding that he had already, as learnt, determined those he would put in strategic committees as chairmen, vice chairmen and members, the Selection Committee still distributed forms to senators to indicate committees into which they would prefer to be appointed. It was gathered that the some of the preferences of many of the Senators would be respected and given to them. This would entail a whole lot of distribution and redistribution which the Selection Committee, according to reports, has already concluded. But very minimal adjustments cannot be ruled out until the announcement on the floor. But there are Senators that Mark and his Selection Committee may have to necessarily accommodate to demonstrate that he has put behind the events of June 5 which saw 39 senators vote against him; otherwise, his leadership may be accused of furthering division and animosity in the Senate. These senators, according to a senator who spoke with THISDAY in confidence, are the influential leaders who ensured some members to get to the Senate. Although, the Senator who voted against Mark and was already agitated that the Senate leadership might have sent him to Siberia in the composition of the committees did not mention names, yet there are fears that peace may develop wings and fly out of he Senate if the former governors are not appointed as chairmen of committees, whether strategic or not, at least as a first step in the demonstration of good faith. Apart from the former Governor of Zamfara State, Senator Ahmed Sani, who has already emerged as Minority Whip and by which virtue he is a member of the body of principal officers and the Selection Committee, eyes are on former Governor of Kaduna State, Senator Ahmed Makarfi, former Governor of Benue State, Senator Akume, former Governor of Kebbi State, Senator Adamu Aliero, former Governor of Yobe State, Senator Bukar Abba Ibrahim, former Governor of Enugu State, Senator Chimaroke Ogbonnia Nnamani and former Governor of Jigawa State, Senator Saminu Turaki. These are influential Senators that analysts contend the Senate leadership should mark with chairmanship of committees. There are other senators who have the "rebellious" streak running through them like Senator Suleiman Nazif (AC, Bauchi North), Caleb Zagi (PDP, Kaduna South), Odion Ugbesia (Edo Central), Bala Abdulkadir Mohamed (ANPP, Bauchi South), Gogwin Satti (AC, Plateau Central) and John Shagaya (PDP, Plateau South), among others. The Mark leadership has the instrumentality of the committees to either mark them in or mark them out. Both options have potential far-reaching implications. The path or option taken by the Mark leadership would be evident this week as he unveils the standing committees.
But the decision by the Senate leadership not to announce the committees made Folarin to be short on precision. He must have by now appreciated the political inexpediency that could always produce a review strategy: the sort that led to the postponement by the Senate President. Still, there is understandable pressure on the Senate leadership to end the anxiety that the matter has generated. The submission of the list of ministerial nominees to the Senate by President Umar Yar' Adua mid last week and the announcement of the names of the nominees on the floor penultimate Thursday effectively diverted attention from the issue of standing committees.
Last week, three important motions suffered a set-back on account of the non-existence of the standing committees, most especially the Committee on Rules and Business. The motions- on the agonies of depositors of failed banks and financial institutions; poor state of safety in our airports; and, collapse of the road infrastructure in Nigeria- were not taken thus forcing the Senate to adjourn in the absence of other business on the order paper. But before the Senate adjourned at 11.25 a.m. the Senate President had ruled that the motions be converted to notices for discussion the next legislative day.
The stage for the abrupt adjournment of the house was set when Senator Isiaka Adeleke (Osun West) raised Order 47 (3 and 4) of the Senate Standing Rules shortly after Senator Folarin moved a motion on the agonies of depositors of Failed Banks and Financial Institutions, which had Senator Sylvester Anyanwu (Imo North) and Senator Ayogu Eze (Enugu North) as co-sponsors. Adeleke said that many of the Senators did not want discussions on the motion because the right procedure had not been followed. He said that order 47 (3 and 4) indicated that any notices of motions should be given through the Senate President to the Rules and Business Committee of the Senate, which within seven days get to Senators. He had argued: "We do not just go in a day, present a motion and the motion is taken, debated on and agreed on. No, we have to give some time to the senators to be able to understand those motions so that we will be able to contribute tremendously the following day." But he said that the Committee to warehouse the notices of motions and motions was not in place yet as contemplated by Order 47 (3) of the Senate Standing Rules. Specifically, Order 47 (3) states: "The President of the Senate shall forward such notice(s) of motions to the Rules and Business Committee, which shall schedule it on the order paper." Order 47 (4) states: "The Rules and Business Committee shall examine the substance of all motions referred to it and if approved to be scheduled on the order paper for deliberations within seven (7) days after the publication of the schedule." Speaking with reporters after plenary, Senator Adeleke had stated that the Senate was acting in breach of its procedure. According to him, "Section 36 states that the Rules and Business Committee of the Senate should be constituted within 14 legislative days of the first sitting of the Senate. That yet has not been done. We may be putting something on nothing with all the motions and rules that have been passed. So, we adhere strictly to the rules of the Senate."He said that there were certain committees that should have been set up such as Selection Committee and Rules and Business, stressing, "They are supposed to be set up within certain legislative days." It was against the backdrop of Adeleke's position that the Senate Leader, senator Folarin said that the Senate was going to announce the committees last week. He explained that the Senate was trying to put square pegs in square holes, adding, "We are also trying to carry all senators along and forestall a repeat of the last exercise in the fifth Senate when Southwest Senators protested the committees given to them." The Senate Leader had also admitted that he was aware that the issue of delay in composing the standing committees was responsible for the manner in which senators shot down the three important motions. He had declared: "I will be surprised if the list of standing committees does not come out this week (last week)." There are indications that the Senate leadership has made up its mind to deal with the issue once and for all this week. The screening of ministerial nominees, important as it is, may not alter the planned announcement by the Senate President. The Senate may devote two days-Tuesday and Wednesday- for the screening and confirmation hearing. The arrangement would still leave Thursday for the purpose of unfolding the committees. The occasion, going by the tradition in the Senate, is always tension-soaked. The presiding officer is kept on the edge, waiting to weigh in on the possible reactions from disenchanted Senators. Some of Mark's predecessors suffered embarrassment on the floor on the day they announced the composition of committees. When Senator Evan Enwerem announced the composition of the standing committees in 1999, his arch rival to the stool of the Senate President, Senator Chuba Okadigbo (now late) rejected on the floor his appointment as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. He later accepted it after weeks of pressure on him from the Southeast zone and the zonal caucus in the Senate to accept the position. Under the Senate Presidency of Anyim Pius Anyim, Senator Arthur Nzeribe rejected on the floor his appointment as Chairman of the Senate Committee on Power and Steel. He had wanted the chairmanship of the Committee on Defence. The Senate leadership had called off the bluff of the then political enigma and given the position to his kinsman, Senator Ifeanyi Araraume. The possibility of a similar thing happening was not ruled out by the Mark leadership; which was why it had taken time to handle the composition in such a way that the harmony in the Senate would not be fractured in the aftermath of the exercise. THISDAY gathered that after the initial feelers that Mark might accommodate his supporters and those who voted for him in strategic committees, the Senate leadership has, on account of the potential flashpoint that the mater of committee represents, decided to tread cautiously. It has been working round the clock to strike a balance between the interests that dot the two divides in the Senate: those who voted for him and those who voted for Senator George Akume. With 57 standing committees to fill, the Senate leadership has enough positions to reward his loyalists and supporters. But notwithstanding that he had already, as learnt, determined those he would put in strategic committees as chairmen, vice chairmen and members, the Selection Committee still distributed forms to senators to indicate committees into which they would prefer to be appointed. It was gathered that the some of the preferences of many of the Senators would be respected and given to them. This would entail a whole lot of distribution and redistribution which the Selection Committee, according to reports, has already concluded. But very minimal adjustments cannot be ruled out until the announcement on the floor. But there are Senators that Mark and his Selection Committee may have to necessarily accommodate to demonstrate that he has put behind the events of June 5 which saw 39 senators vote against him; otherwise, his leadership may be accused of furthering division and animosity in the Senate. These senators, according to a senator who spoke with THISDAY in confidence, are the influential leaders who ensured some members to get to the Senate. Although, the Senator who voted against Mark and was already agitated that the Senate leadership might have sent him to Siberia in the composition of the committees did not mention names, yet there are fears that peace may develop wings and fly out of he Senate if the former governors are not appointed as chairmen of committees, whether strategic or not, at least as a first step in the demonstration of good faith. Apart from the former Governor of Zamfara State, Senator Ahmed Sani, who has already emerged as Minority Whip and by which virtue he is a member of the body of principal officers and the Selection Committee, eyes are on former Governor of Kaduna State, Senator Ahmed Makarfi, former Governor of Benue State, Senator Akume, former Governor of Kebbi State, Senator Adamu Aliero, former Governor of Yobe State, Senator Bukar Abba Ibrahim, former Governor of Enugu State, Senator Chimaroke Ogbonnia Nnamani and former Governor of Jigawa State, Senator Saminu Turaki. These are influential Senators that analysts contend the Senate leadership should mark with chairmanship of committees. There are other senators who have the "rebellious" streak running through them like Senator Suleiman Nazif (AC, Bauchi North), Caleb Zagi (PDP, Kaduna South), Odion Ugbesia (Edo Central), Bala Abdulkadir Mohamed (ANPP, Bauchi South), Gogwin Satti (AC, Plateau Central) and John Shagaya (PDP, Plateau South), among others. The Mark leadership has the instrumentality of the committees to either mark them in or mark them out. Both options have potential far-reaching implications. The path or option taken by the Mark leadership would be evident this week as he unveils the standing committees.
ANOTHER 3 YEAR OLD BOY KIDNAPPED
Five days after three-year-old Margaret Hill was freed by unidentified gunmen who had kidnapped her, a three-year-old son of a traditional ruler, Prince Samuel Ovunda Amadi, was yesterday morning kidnapped on his way to school in Port Harcourt, Rivers State.
This is the fourth case of abduction of 3-year-olds in the last two months. Before Hill, two kids had been kidnapped although with less media coverage.
The prince was being taken to Princess International School in the city when a red Volvo 244 blocked the Mercedes Benz Jeep bearing him, forced the driver to take the East-West road before they stopped at a lonely spot. They ordered the driver to go back and disappeared with the boy.
They later called the father, Eze Francis Amadi, the paramount ruler of Iriebe, Rivers State, to demand N50 million ransom.
They threatened to kill the boy if the father failed to pay the ransom.The kidnappers directed the royal father to pay the money into Dyke Otuonye’s account with a bank in Port Harcourt with account number 301450821807.T
he Eze became agitated when one Isaac Owode, who claimed he was from Lagos State and a student of University of Science and Technology Port Harcourt, said he recognised the voice of the people asking for the ransom. Owode allegedly said it was the voice of one Kelvin who lives at 298 Ikwerre Road.
Amadi said he became suspicious because the Isaac had not come to his place for over six months after he had told the king that some people had hired him to kill the Eze and demanded for money.
Also, the driver of the car, Mr. Kenneth Akubueze, was alleged by the royal father to have constantly contradicted himself on how the boy was kidnapped. “He first told me that the kidnappers used a gun to break the side glass of the jeep before he stated that they used a stick to break it,” Eze Amadi said.
Because of these contradictions, he called in the police from Oyigbo police station. The two men were immediately arrested and taken to the police station. Before then, both Isaac and Akubueze had pleaded their innocence before pressmen.
“The same Isaac had threatened that some people said they were going to kill me and that unless I gave them money, they would kidnap my son. Now they have done it. My driver has been working with me for five years but how come he is unable to say how the incident happened? He first said they used stick to break the glass and now he is saying they shot at the glass.
“Immediately I sent some of my chiefs to go back and ask people around where the thing happened and immediately they were driving out of the compound, the people called to ask me to leave the driver alone that he does not know what happened.“Again, when the police arrested the two of them, you are witnesses; they are calling me again to say that I should leave two of them because they do not know about the kidnap. So what I feel is that these two people (pointing at Isaac and Akubueze) know where my son is, they should go and bring him,” he said.
Akubueze said that he was driving when the Volvo blocked him and two of the people, who took away the child, jumped into his vehicle. He said they were armed but did not fire.
“They commanded me to drive along East-West road until we got to a lonely spot on Uniport [University of Port Harcourt] road and they asked me to turn back and they took the boy away. I could not shout because there was nobody around there,” he said.Asked if he did not lock the car from inside when the incident took place, he said he did but that one of the doors was open from where the gunmen accessed the inside to take the child from him
.Isaac said he recognised the voice of Kelvin when he heard it as they called the king to demand for the ransom and he called his number which he answered but said he was in Lagos and not Port Harcourt. He however said the same voice which called the Eze was the one he heard on his phone.
The royal father was further rattled when some people assured him that since the militants used a bank account to demand for the ransom, they would be caught but it did not take a minute before they called back asking for cash and instead of the initial N50 million, they asked for N5 million.
“Chief, how much will you pay? I said you should bring N5 million cash in crisp N1,000 notes and make sure you will not involve the police or we will kill your boy,” the voice reportedly said. When the king asked him where he would personally bring the money to and take his child, the voice warned him to return the driver and Isaac from the police station and that he would get back to him to tell him where he would deliver the ransom.
Later on, they called the royal father again to demand for “a minimum” of N8 million before releasing the boy. This prompted the father to exclaim that he no longer knew who to trust as those giving information on what was happening were obviously “within”.
All through the phone discussions, the suspected militants used mobile phone number 07035255667 to discuss while the person who made the demands stammered a bit. In all the discussions, he showed knowledge of all actions taken in the palace.
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This is the fourth case of abduction of 3-year-olds in the last two months. Before Hill, two kids had been kidnapped although with less media coverage.
The prince was being taken to Princess International School in the city when a red Volvo 244 blocked the Mercedes Benz Jeep bearing him, forced the driver to take the East-West road before they stopped at a lonely spot. They ordered the driver to go back and disappeared with the boy.
They later called the father, Eze Francis Amadi, the paramount ruler of Iriebe, Rivers State, to demand N50 million ransom.
They threatened to kill the boy if the father failed to pay the ransom.The kidnappers directed the royal father to pay the money into Dyke Otuonye’s account with a bank in Port Harcourt with account number 301450821807.T
he Eze became agitated when one Isaac Owode, who claimed he was from Lagos State and a student of University of Science and Technology Port Harcourt, said he recognised the voice of the people asking for the ransom. Owode allegedly said it was the voice of one Kelvin who lives at 298 Ikwerre Road.
Amadi said he became suspicious because the Isaac had not come to his place for over six months after he had told the king that some people had hired him to kill the Eze and demanded for money.
Also, the driver of the car, Mr. Kenneth Akubueze, was alleged by the royal father to have constantly contradicted himself on how the boy was kidnapped. “He first told me that the kidnappers used a gun to break the side glass of the jeep before he stated that they used a stick to break it,” Eze Amadi said.
Because of these contradictions, he called in the police from Oyigbo police station. The two men were immediately arrested and taken to the police station. Before then, both Isaac and Akubueze had pleaded their innocence before pressmen.
“The same Isaac had threatened that some people said they were going to kill me and that unless I gave them money, they would kidnap my son. Now they have done it. My driver has been working with me for five years but how come he is unable to say how the incident happened? He first said they used stick to break the glass and now he is saying they shot at the glass.
“Immediately I sent some of my chiefs to go back and ask people around where the thing happened and immediately they were driving out of the compound, the people called to ask me to leave the driver alone that he does not know what happened.“Again, when the police arrested the two of them, you are witnesses; they are calling me again to say that I should leave two of them because they do not know about the kidnap. So what I feel is that these two people (pointing at Isaac and Akubueze) know where my son is, they should go and bring him,” he said.
Akubueze said that he was driving when the Volvo blocked him and two of the people, who took away the child, jumped into his vehicle. He said they were armed but did not fire.
“They commanded me to drive along East-West road until we got to a lonely spot on Uniport [University of Port Harcourt] road and they asked me to turn back and they took the boy away. I could not shout because there was nobody around there,” he said.Asked if he did not lock the car from inside when the incident took place, he said he did but that one of the doors was open from where the gunmen accessed the inside to take the child from him
.Isaac said he recognised the voice of Kelvin when he heard it as they called the king to demand for the ransom and he called his number which he answered but said he was in Lagos and not Port Harcourt. He however said the same voice which called the Eze was the one he heard on his phone.
The royal father was further rattled when some people assured him that since the militants used a bank account to demand for the ransom, they would be caught but it did not take a minute before they called back asking for cash and instead of the initial N50 million, they asked for N5 million.
“Chief, how much will you pay? I said you should bring N5 million cash in crisp N1,000 notes and make sure you will not involve the police or we will kill your boy,” the voice reportedly said. When the king asked him where he would personally bring the money to and take his child, the voice warned him to return the driver and Isaac from the police station and that he would get back to him to tell him where he would deliver the ransom.
Later on, they called the royal father again to demand for “a minimum” of N8 million before releasing the boy. This prompted the father to exclaim that he no longer knew who to trust as those giving information on what was happening were obviously “within”.
All through the phone discussions, the suspected militants used mobile phone number 07035255667 to discuss while the person who made the demands stammered a bit. In all the discussions, he showed knowledge of all actions taken in the palace.
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